DANGERS OF SELECTIVE MORALITY AND HYPOCRISY: THE SOUTH AFRICAN STORY

Facebook Live Lecture delivered by Carl Niehaus*

The recorded lecture can be watched on the RET Facebook Group Page: https://www.facebook.com/groups/retnow/permalink/267093517734626/

“Every revolution produces its counter revolution”. The truth of these words should never be underestimated, nor should its consequences be disregarded. Those who do so, do it at their own peril, and their continued subjugation and enslavement. The fellow siblings of counter revolution, are selective morality and hypocrisy.

Counter revolutionaries never show their true colors. They usually parade themselves as revolutionaries, and often have a history in the liberation struggle that provides them with struggle credentials, and help to cover up their devious work. In fact, in some instances they have not started off as counter revolutionaries, but along the way they became compromised and tempted, and ended up becoming enemies of their own people, and initial revolutionary ideals.

The transformation from a genuine, committed, revolutionary into a counter-revolutionary is in every instance when it happens a tragedy, in as much as it is literally the death of a cadre. Once it has gone too far, there is no turn around possible - like death it is irreversible.

However, these tragedies are not uncommon - they happen all the time. Like in all other revolutionary organizations it happens all the time around us, also in the African National Congress (ANC). However, it being common does not make it any less painful or less despicable.

A traitor is always a traitor, no matter what the reasons, and the long winding road that eventually led to betrayal. Mitigating circumstances never absolve traitors, and their acts of betrayal. No matter what happened to any person at any time, betrayal can never be condoned nor excused.

In fact in the midst of a revolutionary struggle there is often no other solution but to deal with betrayers decisively. Thus the execution of spies and betrayers is common in every revolutionary war, and history testifies to that. Failure to expose and deal with spies and betrayers can indeed put the whole revolution at risk. Any softness in dealing with spies and betrayers, while it may sometimes be dressed up in the benign clothes of so-called ‘humaneness’, is in reality nothing else but pathetic weakness that endangers the whole revolution, and far too often results in betrayal itself.

The unfortunate weakness of the African National Congress to deal decisively with the betrayers of our revolution, and to steadfastly defend the ideological foundations of our struggle, has now placed our whole revolutionary cause in jeopardy, and brought us to a decisive, and very dangerous, cross roads.

The ANC is in the grips of a deep ideological struggle, both within itself, and with other hostile contending ideological forces outside our ranks. This ideological struggle will determine if we will continue to be a pro-poor liberation movement, or will become a compradore capitalist servant organization, that will ultimately maintain the current White Monopoly Capital economic structures that dominate our society.

This is indeed a watershed moment, possibly even more important than what the ANC was faced with in the 1940’s and early 1950’s. When, if the renewal and infusion of militancy by the young lions of the ANC Youth League (ANCYL) had failed, the entire liberation struggle could have been scuppered.

The urgency and seriousness of this ideological struggle - with all its fault lines and contradictions - have been expedited and deepened by the coronavirus pandemic, and the serious economic consequences of the lockdown.

Every committed revolutionary in the ANC will betray our lives of dedication to the full liberation of our people, if we do not speak out about the deprivation and desperation of the majority of our people, that we have seen during the past few months. It is not that we have not been aware of the terrible inequalities of our South African society before, but the starkness of it, and the crisis proportions that it has now reached, demand our intervention and action. It certainly cannot be business as usual!

Evidently once the coronavirus pandemic subsides we cannot allow the lack of ideological clarity, and commitment, in our beloved ANC to prevail. Now more than ever before it is critical that the ANC must restructure our economy in order to address the glaring inequalities and injustices. As was required in the 1940’s, the ANC now again has to regain its revolutionary heart.

The critical question is whether the ANC will indeed be able to do this? Or has the counter revolutionary tendencies within the ANC reached such major proportions, and the erstwhile revolutionaries who have turned traitors have such a strangling grip on the ANC, that this important revolutionary correction/re-calibration will no longer be possible?

With uncanny insight Karl Marx wrote that a people’s consciousness is determined by the state of their material well-being. Marx did not write so, but I am confident that he would not have disagreed with me, that the manner in which people reach a remarkable transformation of material well-being - specifically from dire poverty to fabulous wealth - further cement their consciousness. There is an old Mafia saying that when you live in a big beautiful house, more important than the knowledge that you are living there, is the knowledge about how you got that house.

In our society this is of fundamental importance. We have seen the incredible transformation of some ANC comrades, and leaders, from situations of poverty to incredible wealth within a very short period of time. This incredible metamorphosis (and fantabulous rags-to-riches fairytale-like stories - that The Mail & Guardian described as, “The anatomy of fast money”), often seems linked to the ability of such comrades, and their families, to influence critical political decisions that determine the kind of economy that prevails in South Africa. The question arises whether they can attribute their incredible progress to the pinnacle societal positions of great material well-being to their business prowess, or rather to having been able to ensure a conducive environment for those who have over centuries managed to control our South African economy, to be able to continue to do so?

The answer to this fundamental question will reveal whether the small elite of wealthy black business people have made themselves, or whether they have been made by others? It all boils down to the simple matrix of independence or dependence. Obviously, if one has been made by others you are a dependent. Therein is the difference between being a self-made person, or being a glorified slave. Are you the captain of your own boat, the master of your own destiny, or not? Are you a compradore capitalist, or actually an entrepreneur capitalist?

I stand to be proved wrong - but I strongly doubt if I will be - that many, if not most, of those who have experienced such a fabulous transformation of their material well-being have not, so to speak, built/financed their own beautiful houses. If this is so, the question is how did they get into those houses?

Obviously no one will happily pin-up on the proverbial public display, or advertising boards, how this happened. It will be in the interest of those who have benefitted, and those who are their benefactors, to cover up how this came about. However, for the majority of black South Africans to understand what the true situation is - deep under the glossy propaganda polished surfaces of appearances - and why they continue to languish in poverty, and ever deepening levels of inequality and poverty, the truth about how these things happened need to be unearthed.

Investigations and research are required about how some comrades almost instantaneously became wealthy. There should be absolutely no reason for anyone who legitimately developed their businesses to resist such research, and the information to come to the fore. In fact those who in a legitimate manner developed their businesses should be proud to share the information about how they have done so, and such information will indeed be invaluable for emerging black entrepreneurs. They ought to be proud to become role models.

Resistance to such investigations and research, and the valuable information that will provide, can mean only one thing: That there are skeletons in cupboards that need to be kept hidden away.

It is my contention that the continuation of the strangle grip of White Monopoly Capital on our South African economy 26 years after the advent of our first democratic elections, is not natural, or a logical outcome of where we should be in our country. This was certainly not the intention of the formation of the African National Congress, when it was formed 108 years ago on the 8th of January 1912 in the Waaihoek Methodist Church in Mangaung, nor is that what the Freedom Charter foresaw.

The essence of the Freedom Charter is found in the two core demands that the people must share in the wealth of the country, and that the land must be shared among those who work it. These core demands anchored the ANC to the origins of its formation. The return of the land to the people, and thus for the people of South Africa to share in the wealth of our country, was always the reason d’etre for the formation, and continuing existence of the ANC.

The pro-poor ideological, class consciousness, contained in the Freedom Charter also underpinned a clear class analyses that the forces of oppression and exploitation were not only race.

Comrades, let us be crystal clear the ultimate motivational force for the continuing oppression and exploitation of the majority of black (especially African) people, is found in capitalism, and how it manifested itself in South Africa as colonialism of a special type. Thus, the ANC’s ideological understanding of oppression, and what the struggle for liberation ultimately entails, is underpinned by a pro-poor class based analyses of how white control and ownership of our economy came about.

It follows that true and full liberation can only be achieved by dismantling the exploitative super-structure of the South African economy that underpinned apartheid, and which is still the foundation of racism in South Africa.

It was in this understanding that the ANC and the SACP found common ground. It is no coincidence that the longest serving President of the ANC, comrade OR Tambo, spoke with such clarity on this seminal issue, that racial and economic exploitation is part of the same thing, when he said:

“Racial discrimination, South Africa’s economic power, its oppression and exploitation of all the black peoples, are part and parcel of the same thing.”

How come, with such a clear historical understanding of who the enemy was/is, and what the ANC was struggling for - and should still stand for - do we find ourselves in a situation that fundamentally contradicts it? How did we go wrong, and how can we correct this sad situation, and regain the revolutionary heart of the ANC?

This was not possible if the counter revolution did not gain ground, and if comrades did not sell out.

The counter revolution gaining ground within the ANC certainly did not happen instantaneously, from one day to the other. It was a slow, insidious, but relentless process. Driven by a clear plan and objectives (with intended outcomes) by the White Monopoly Capitalists, the descendants of the colonists, who stole the land from the indigenous people, and over centuries kept them poor and disenfranchised.

Nor do I believe that the leaders in the ANC who eventually made common cause with the White Monopoly Capitalists deliberately entered into their engagements with them with the intention to sell out, and advance the counter revolution.

In fact in most instances they probably initially engaged with the best of intentions to find ways of advancing the cause of the revolution, and were laboring under the illusion that they could advance national reconciliation.

One of the greatest weaknesses that ANC leaders who returned from exile faced was that they were in financial dire straits. They returned with hardly any financial resources, while working for the ANC that had just returned from exile with very limited resources, and many needs.

On a personal level the demands and sacrifices of the long years of the struggle, and the neglect of families, wives and children, that was almost inevitable because of the harsh conditions of the struggle - especially in exile - led to many personal problems, guilt feelings and complexes.

Returning from exile with no savings and facing financial demands to find adequate accommodation, ensuring decent education and health care for children, and extended families with high hopes that after years of your absence, and many hardships, your return will improve their lives, created a fertile environment for white business people to present themselves as ‘new friends’, and ‘rescuers’.

Offerings of help, sugar coated as genuine concern, and acknowledgement of the hardships that one had to go through, were often initially not accompanied by counter demands. However, once a new lifestyle had become accustomed to, with children and spouses having accepted such as the new norm, a situation developed where it was almost impossible to give it up again, without having to face unpleasant personal pressures and fall outs.

It is truly treacherous how easily one ends up beholden, and captured, with a set of golden lifestyle handcuffs. It is usually at this stage when offerings of more financial comfort, accompanied by increasing suggestions (trans-morphing into demands) become part of an established relationship that increasingly takes on the characteristics of a contractual agreement. A contractual agreement that ensures your and your families financial well-being and security, but in return for securing the business interests and advancement of your benefactor. As Chief Justice Mogoeng so insightfully stated, “there is no free lunch”.

The personal is always political, and the political - especially in our South African society that so urgently demands fundamental transformation - is always inevitably linked to business, and our broader economy. At the top leadership level these personal relationships that the mainly white captains of industry so carefully nurtured, and deliberately constructed, with the leaders of the ANC during our return from exile and the negotiating process, quickly and fundamentally, impacted on the decisions that were taken during the negotiations.

The few white business families that control South Africa’s highly concentrated and centralized economy are old, well-experienced hands, at how to manipulate such a situation. The Oppenheimers and Ruperts had already for decades controlled the leaders of the apartheid National Party similarly.

In fact during the negotiations they made common cause with their existing servant-clients, in the apartheid state and the National Party, about how to draw the leadership of the ANC into a similar symbiotic relationship, and to capture them. To a certain extent this was intended to be a mutually beneficial relationship (and deliberately so), but its benefits only extended as far as the immediate ANC leadership, and was obviously never intended to benefit the majority of poor black (especially African) South Africans. In fact its purpose was to prevent the empowerment of the majority of disempowered poor black South Africans.

I have the greatest of respect for President Nelson Mandela, but I saw how the misfortunes in his personal life were exploited by the leaders of White Monopoly Capital. During his separation, and eventual divorce, from comrade Winnie Madikizela Mandela the billionaire businessman, Douw Steyn (founder of the BGL Group, an insurance and financial services company), housed him at his Saxon Estate, before it was turned into a boutique hotel. During this time there was a constant stream of visitors, made up of the Whose-Who of the Captains of Industry of White Monopoly Capital, from Harry Oppenheimer and his son Nicky, Johann Rupert and his father Anton, Clive and Irene Menell, and many more.

Today the walls of the Saxon Boutique Hotel are adorned with original sketches of these meetings that Steyn got captured by the acclaimed artist Dean Simon. These meetings were meant to influence President Mandela’s views on the economy, and to convince him that the original ANC programme of nationalization of key industries that he still supported when he came out of prison, had to be dropped. I have no doubt that they had a significant influence on Madiba, and contributed to his shock announcement in January 1992 at the World Economic Forum in Davos, that nationalization was no longer the economic policy of the ANC and supported an economic framework based on capitalism and globalization. These meetings were carefully coordinated, to be strengthened through a series of meetings at Davos with other world leaders - most of them from the capitalist West including countries such as the USA, the United Kingdom, France and Germany. It is truly remarkable how Madiba’s views changed within two years, in 1990 he still stated categorically: “The nationalization of the mines, banks, and monopoly industries is the policy of the ANC, and a change or modification of our views in this regard is inconceivable”.

When Madiba was elected President, and eventually left the Saxon Estate to move into Mahlamba Ndlopfu, the Saxon was turned into a boutique hotel. He officiated at the opening, and in the first sentence of his speech he declared: “It is because of business people such as Douw Steyn, that apartheid was brought to its knees ...”. I remember the nausea that I felt when Madiba said this.

In his latter life Madiba, through the Nelson Mandela Foundation and Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund, embraced the big money charity that can only be delivered by billionaire capitalists. He became a friend of Bill and Melinda Gates, who donated hundreds of millions, as well as Theodore J. Forstmann and George Sores of the Open Societies Foundations fame.

In these experiences we find the essence of the betrayal of those ANC leaders who entered into these compradore servant-client relationships. No matter how understandable the personal dynamics and reasons may be for them ‘slipping’ into these relationships, and allowing the golden handcuffs to be tightened with all kinds of shareholding schemes and Black Empowerment (BE) deals, the one thing they cannot deny is that they knew that they were doing it at the cost of the full liberation and empowerment of the majority of poor black majority.

In that undeniable knowledge we find the terrible essence of their betrayal. Sadly a betrayal even worse than the betrayal of the National Party apartheid politicians, who at least through their engagements with White Monopoly Capital secured sheltered employment, and basic living conditions, on a racial/racist basis, through racially defined job reservation, for their constituents - the white working class. (Read Dan O’Meara’s book, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1934 - 1948, and see how they took care of the white working class and poor). The highly personalized, self-enrichment, that the black leadership elite of the ANC entered into both for lack of sincere care, and lack of negotiating power, did not even contain any such provisions. The betrayal was harshly self-centered, and selfish.

Yet, the front, appearance/illusion, of commitment to the original pro-poor ideals of the ANC had to be maintained at almost every cost. This led to the massive disconnect between the continuing revolutionary rhetoric of the ANC, and the very different reality of what actually happens in practice.

The result is political hypocrisy where there are many in our ANC who no longer walks the talk, not only with regards to the economy, but almost in every respect. Issues of corruption, and the nebulous concept of ‘state capture’, are selectively used to discredit certain targeted persons; while others no matter what they do, and how corrupt their conduct is, are never cornered and always get the proverbial “Get out of jail free card”. In this Monopoly game, of selective outrage and morality, the White Monopoly Controlled mainstream media proved to be an invaluable ally.

Some people can blatantly lie to parliament, and nothing happens to them. They receive every possible protection, but if your name is Tony Yengeni and you still keep on talking about the need for fundamental economic transformation you have to be pursued, prosecuted and jailed.

If you are President Jacob Zuma, and you pursue a programme of Radical Economic Transformation (RET), and is perceived to pose a threat to the continuing control of the economy by White Monopoly Capital (WMC), your persecution must proceed relentlessly. You will be subjected to the kangaroo courts of trial by the media, and called a villain, a thief, and fraudster, without any regard for the law, and the constitutional principle that every citizen is deemed innocent until found guilty by a court of law.

If you are Allan Boesak, and you continue to raise uncomfortable liberation theology issues about justice and the Biblical message of the salvation of the poor, you must be relentlessly pursued, crucified and imprisoned, for the lack of accounting of funds that you administered during the struggle years where it was the norm not to do so, because to keep records posed a very real danger to expose yourself and other comrades to the apartheid security police if you did so.

If you are Winnie Madikezela Mandela, and you keep on raising radical and uncomfortable issues about the watering down of ANC policies, the Stratcom lies that the Security Police, and other apartheid state agencies, manufactured against you, were easily believed. You are, without a trial, in reality deemed to be guilty for the murder of Stompi Seipei, and of all other kinds of vile deeds. In fact you were forced to appear in front of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and treated as if you were similar to the apartheid Security Police torturers and killers, humiliated and called on to apologize for alleged vile acts that you have not committed. When the truth eventually emerges that you were not responsible for the actions, that even your very own comrades claimed you have committed, no one was brought to book. There were absolutely no consequences for those who have defamed you, and inflicted immense hurt. When you eventually pass away, worn down by the unbearable pain and humiliation that you have so viciously been subjected to - to add insult to injury - some of those who have done all of this to you were not only allowed attend your funeral as VIP’s, but were even allowed to deliver keynote speeches. Their forked tongues, like the hypocritical snakes that they are, sang your praises as if they were never part of those who schemed and plotted your downfall.

If you were Chris Hani, you died a terrible bloody death in thyme driveway of your home, at the hands of an assassin, who evidently was not working alone.

In the months before comrade Chris was assassinated he became increasingly vocal about his concerns that far too much was being given away, and compromised, in the negotiations with the apartheid regime. He made it clear that he was not prepared to live with the consequences of these unpalatable compromises into perpetuity, and being the people’s leader that he was expressed his commitment in straightforward, uncompromising language that the poor masses of our people understood, and could relate to in their daily lives of deprivation and suffering. This made him very dangerous. Comrade Chris’ words were prophetic: “What I fear is that the liberators emerge as elitists who drive around in Mercedes Benz’s, and use the resources of this country to live in palaces, and to gather riches”.

Of course this made him the number one enemy and target of white monopoly capitalists, who feared that he could unscramble the cosy settlement that they have managed to secure for themselves in the negotiations. However, sadly, comrade Chris also increasingly became the enemy of those traitors in the ANC, who were well on their way to sell out the revolution. These so-called ‘comrades’ were no longer thinking of the negotiated settlement as temporary, and for the struggle to continue until the full transformation of the South African economy can be achieved. Instead, for those who were already striking deals with White Monopoly Capitalists, the negotiated settlement had become a safe haven for their own ambitions of self-enrichment.

As was the case with those comrades that I have mentioned, and many more that I do not have time to mention here, there was also no place for someone of the principled character and committed views of comrade Chris. As happened with some of the other comrades I referred to, comrade Chris had either to be marginalized to the point of being made irrelevant, or permanently removed. Because of his un-canning ability to avoid marginalization and to stay, with a growing constituency of the working class and the poor masses, at the centre of the leadership and power in the national Liberation Movement, only the latter option remained. It is most disconcerting and spine chilling to say this, but the logic is relentless. The truth about all who were involved in comrade Chris’ assassination, and how it was done, still needs to be exposed.

The reality is that our National Liberation Movement, with its long history, the credibility that comes with it, and the deep love that the people have for the ANC, was the only force that could legitimize the deeply flawed, capitalist, elitist settlement that had been forged. The problem was that comrade Chris was not in on this deal, and was in fact determined not to allow this to happen, and therefore he had to be permanently removed.

The cost of the malicious and deliberate marginalization, and sometimes removal, of comrades that are not prepared to sell out, comes at a terribly high price for the ANC, and for our membership - not even to speak about the personal pain and devastation that it causes for those who are at the receiving end of such heartless brutality. The comrades that I have referred to, as examples of what is done, are/were all highly capable people. I do not hesitate to say indeed far more capable than many mediocre, and self absorbed persons, who are deployed in very important executive positions. Some of whom are only in such positions because of slavish loyalty, and because they do not pose any threat to status quo - in fact it is very often in their own interest to protect and defend the prevailing establishment. Inevitably this translates into the continuing exploitation of the majority of the black poor, and it is one of the most insidious causes of poor service delivery.

I am adverse to talk much about myself - especially in lectures such as these - but sometimes it is necessary, because there is no substitute for personal experience. I experienced the deliberate marginalization, and attempted removal of myself personally. It was an extremely painful, and personally devastating, experience.

In 2008/2009 a journalist, one Pearly Joubert, revealed that I was in some financial difficulties and debt. These revelations came at a particularly sensitive and difficult time, when I had just been asked by the ANC to return full-time to the Department of Information and Publicity (DIP), specifically in order to assist with communication challenges that we were faced with, when President Zuma was charged with several trumped up charges of corruption and fraud, which were clearly politically motivated. When I returned I declared the financial challenges that I was faced with to the then Secretary General (SG) of the ANC, comrade Gwede Matashe. These were contained in a confidential letter to him.

Not everyone was happy with my return as a spokesperson, and somehow the letter that I confidentially gave to comrade Mantashe was leaked to the media, and the information contained therein was used to devastating effect by the mainstream White Monopoly Capitalist media to attack my integrity. This happened at a time when I was engaged in a comprehensive media strategy to defend President Zuma, and to expose the political motivations, and meddling, in his case. I felt that me having been compromised by the vicious media attacks, I had no other option but to resign from my position as a spokesperson - which I did. I always had the strong belief that a spokespersons can only be effective if they are not the stories themselves.

I also decided to apologize for the financial mistakes that I have made, which I did in several media interviews. An extraordinary exchange after I have done so followed between myself and comrade Manthashe, in which he shouted at me: “Why do you confess, you never confess. You always deny, deny!”.

I am telling this not because I want to embarrass comrade Gwede, but because it reflects a trend that developed within the ANC that one does not own up to faults and mistakes. I must also hasten to add that I do not blame comrade Matashe for the information that was leaked to the media. I know that it was not him who did so. I know who did it. It was done by a very senior member of the ANC who felt threatened by my communications abilities, and the manner in which I was exposing the political motives that informed the charges against Msholozi. I was, with deliberate intent, removed at a time when we were successfully beginning to change the narrative about the trumped up case against President Zuma.

The truths, half-truths, and especially blatant stratcom like propaganda lies, that were unleashed like an avalanche against me caused my person, my family, and my political career immense harm. I do not see any need to regurgitate those matters here, because I have dealt with them - and the extent in which I have erred - and I have put them behind me.

Despite comrade Gwede’s admonition that I should have denied everything, I am glad that I have apologized for the genuine mistakes that I have made, but certainly not for the many stories and lies that have been attributed by the vicious and vitriolic propaganda machine of the White Monopoly Capitalist Media. I will not engage such lies and allegations any further, definitely also not here, because I will certainly not give them currency.

Suffice to say that I have been called a thief and fraudster, which are blatant untruths. Those who keep on leveling such allegations against me, deliberately and conveniently forget that I have never been charged with any such offenses. Suffice to say that my apology assisted me to recover my moral and ideological balance. It has also given me the strength and fortitude to face up to the propaganda lies, and to treat them with the disdain that they deserve.

I needed that strength because I was attacked and vilified from all sides, also by some comrades in the ANC (some of whom I have even years ago recruited into the ANC, when they were still young students in Alexandra). One avenue after the other to work, and make a living, were deliberately closed. At one stage it reached the point where I was literally destitute, with no source of income, and no hope to get work. The intention was to totally cut off any revenue stream for me, and to finally destroy me once and for all. It came close that, I lost my car and house, and was for a while literally living on the streets.

However, by the Grace of God, and the encouragement of good comrades in the ANC - of who there are still many - I survived. This experience taught me to distinguish between those who so glibly call themselves “comrades”, and those who continue to be true, and principled, comrades. It also taught me that one never throws another comrade under the buss, or to put it in the soldier’s language of an ex-MK veteran: “One soldier never leaves another soldier behind on the battlefield”. This experience has helped me to understand the importance of not walking away from other comrades when they are difficulties. It certainly informs my insistence that I will stand side-by-side with President Zuma during the trials and tribulations that he is going through.

The vitriol that some on social media continue to spew against me, indicate the immense manipulative role that the media plays in creating impressions, and developing narratives, in their pursuit of trying to destroy certain people. This is what Naom Chomsky and Edward S. Herman so accurately described in their seminal book: ‘Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media’, as the deliberate “manufacturing of outrage”.

Malcolm X stated it even more explicitly, when he said: “The media is the most powerful entity on earth. They have the power to make the innocent guilty, and to make the guilty innocent ... An irresponsible media will make the criminal look like he’s the victim, and make the victim look like he’s the criminal. If you aren’t careful, the media will have you hating the people who are being oppressed and loving the people who are doing the oppressing”.

The depths of deprivation that such propaganda, blown on by hatred, can lead to I have experienced most painfully. I have received numerous death threats on twitter. The one message threatening to gauge my eyes out, and cut my throat. When, on my youngest daughter Khanya’s 10th birthday, I posted a photo of her and me, vile insults were leveled at her. One tweet even called her the “daughter of a whore”, and claimed that her Mom, my ex-wife, must have been a whore to have been in a relationship with me. Disturbingly, this vile racist bile came from a fellow black South African.

I have often been on the receiving end from white racists, even from my own father and mother, and other family, who have refused to accept my beautiful, wonderful, black daughter. Some of them even using the ‘K’ word against her. However, for a fellow black South African to be brought to such depths of racism and hatred is really something else, and demonstrates the immense and dangerously manipulative power of the media. It selectively warps morality, and twists and turns love into hate, and hate into fake love.

Such is the poisonous atmosphere that the media, as one of the most powerful peddlers of selective morality and hypocrisy, generates. An environment of hatred where people literally want to kill you, and in fact kill, as we have seen with comrade Chris Hani, and numerous other revolutionaries not only in our country, but throughout the world.

Recently AmaBungane the so-called “Centre for Investigative Journalism” launched a vicious and deliberate attack on freedom of speech. They used the misnomer of ‘Investigative journalism’ to cover up their intolerant, and fundamentally undemocratic intentions under the cloak of respectability. AmaBhungane set their targets, specifically and exclusively, on those WhatsApp groups that agitate for fundamental Radical Economic Transformation (RET). Like the apartheid police of old, with whom they have much in common, they infiltrated spies/moles into those groups to see who are members, and to scrutinize - and where possible miss-interpret - every word that they post.

They work on the basis of a preconceived narrative that those of us who are participants in pro-Radical Economic Transformation Groups are manipulating social media, and literally ‘frame’ us for doing so. This they do with unbelievable hypocrisy and cynicism, when it is known that several journalists who make common cause with them were part of the so-called ‘Save South Africa’ campaign, and belong to WhatsApp Groups where they coordinate their efforts, and how they can use the mainstream media platforms that they have access to as mutually re-enforcing echo chambers to launch lynch jobs, and propaganda attacks, on President Zuma, and many others. While they are standing behind the door of grand scale media manipulation, they frame and accuse others for doing so - while in reality we are simply executing our constitutionally enshrined freedom of speech.

While there are numerous racist, and white supremacist WhatsApp groups, where the most hideous racism and hate speech are openly flaunted, they concentrate solely on those who WhatsApp groups and social media posts that are in favor of Radical Economic Transformation. Surely this is blatantly racist!

They claim to operate from a so-called foundation of moral values, but in reality they conduct their spying and so-called ‘investigations’, intimidation, and downright cyber bullying, on behalf of their bosses (as well as international and local funders), who are fearful that the successful promotion and implementation of Radical Economic Transformation will finally bring an end to their control of the South African economy.

Sadly, even from within the ANC, such miss representation and intolerance emanates. A few months ago the NEC member, and Minister of Justice, comrade Ronald Lamola, told blatant lies at an ANC meeting in Midrand, Johannesburg, that those of us in the ANC who try to advance Radical Economic Transformation are a “faction”, and that we are “thieves who have stolen money”.

Nothing is further from the truth! None of those whom Lamola referred have ever been charged with such crimes, and the ANC members who promote Radical Economic Transformation do so in line with the appreciation that Radical Economic Transformation is the official economic policy programme of the ANC - as it is also reflected in the pro RET economic policy Resolutions that were adopted at the ANC 54th National Conference at NASREC in 2017. So outrageous were these blatant lies - by of all people the Minister of Justice who should have a proper appreciation of the law - that those of us who were so awfully slandered had no other option but to advance charges of libel/slander against the minister. That case is still pending in the High Court of South Africa, Gauteng Local Division.

Recently even the existence of the Radical Economic Transformation Facebook Group Page was attacked by some within the ANC, trying to advance the totally fallacious argument that a simple Facebook Group Page constitutes a ‘faction’.

Once again selective condemnation rose its disingenuous head, because no such complaints were raised with regards to the so-called group of 101 veterans who openly campaigned against President Zuma, when he was still President of the ANC and of the country. Nor were such complains raised against those ANC MP’s who made common cause with opposition parties in the National Assembly, and voted with them in a No-Confidence Motion against President Zuma. Neither were there attacks and threats of negative sanction, and even disciplinary action, against those ANC members who joined the ‘Save South Africa’ campaign, and marched against an incumbent ANC President.

I can proceed with numerous more examples, but I think the point is made about the hypocrisy of such selective intolerance and attacks. Although I am in danger of becoming repetitive, let me emphasize once again that Radical Economic Transformation (RET) is actually the official economic policy programme of the ANC, and those ANC members who advance RET are mainstream ANC.

It is indeed sad that there are different sets of norms for different people - depending on whether they are prepared to settle for the continuation of the current economic status quo, or not. If you are happy with the status quo, and in addition are white, you can get away with all and sundry - if you are black, and even worse try to fundamentally transform the economic status quo with Radical Economic Transformation objectives, you are in for the high jump. You will certainly be pursued, persecuted, and slandered at the slightest opportunity. Some people, depending on where they find themselves along this ideological and racial divide, can be forgiven, and get away with almost anything; others who according to the status quo establishment are on the so-called wrong side of the divide are beyond redemption, can never be forgiven for any mistakes they may have made, and are relentlessly persecuted.

Allow me to provide two glaring examples: The VBS matter is being vigorously pursued - and please understand me very clearly, I do not say it should not be - but where is the same vigor and determination to pursue Markus Jooste, and his fellow directors, in the Steinhoff matter? The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) bungled and erroneously paid R 14 million to a young student. When the error was detected, and it was established that the student had spent just over R 800 000 of the money, that was erroneously paid into her bank account, she was arrested by the Serious Commercial Crimes Unit and charged. Her full identity and photo was splashed all over the media. Now, once again, please understand me clearly, I am not saying that she should not have been pursued. Not at all! But compare how she was treated with a recent case where Eskom, according to the Eskom Chief Operating Officer, Mr. Jan Oberholzer, had made a massive R 4 billion overpayment to a certain contractor, and apparently the power utility is now battling to get the money back. You can try as you may, but nowhere will you find the name of the company concerned, or whether any of the huge amount of money that was paid into its account had been spent.

The mainstream establishment media decides who are the angels of morality, and no matter what the evidence and allegations against them may be, they get white-washed time after time, while for others the proverbial tar brush is always ready to be applied with vigor. However, many of us know better - we know all too well, what the political analyst Aubrey Matshiqi so accurately described, that they are “angels with horns”.

These issues of selective morality, and hypocrisy, permeates every level, and every corner, of our society. Sadly it is also even true with regards to the very serious issue of Gender Based Violence (GBV). It is an open secret that there are those who who take the lead to speak out about the terrible violence against women and children, but who are themselves abusers. That is why we in MKMVA last week issued posters, stating that we are aware of men who join our struggle against gender based violence in public. Yet, they continue to abuse their wives and women partners in private, and that this must end!

In fact all forms of selective morality and hypocrisy must be exposed, and all of us should work tirelessly to bridge the terrible disconnect - in fact insidious chasm - between perception and reality. This is an absolute necessity if we ever want to regain the revolutionary heart of the ANC, and rid ourselves of all the sell-outs, betrayers and angels with horns.

This lecture is delivered in the midst of two very important dates: Today on the 19th of June 1913 the notorious Land Act was promulgated. It institutionalized the whole scale theft of the land from the indigenous people of South Africa, and forced them to the outer margins of our society. It is an aberration that 107 years later, the land has not yet been returned, and the expropriation of land without compensation is still being debated instead of being acted on. Justice delayed, is justice denied!

Tomorrow on the 20th of June, 25 years ago, one of the greatest sons, and revolutionaries in our struggle, comrade Harry Themba Gwala - Munt’omdala, the Lion of the Midlands - passed away.

In this difficult juncture of our history, where we are constantly faced with selective morality, hypocrisy and betrayal, it may sometimes seem to us that the final liberation fruits, and true economic empowerment of our revolution, remain a far off almost forlorn dream. Yet, there are lessons to be learnt from the long and rich life of comrade Harry Gwala.

First and foremost is the lesson of tenacity, that even under the most difficult circumstances, and faced with massive challenges a true revolutionary never gives up, nor compromise ones ultimate revolutionary ideals. Secondly, that at a time that ideology is often frowned upon, we must hold onto it with the same commitment that comrade Harry did. Without political education, based on the foundation of revolutionary ideological clarity, we are doomed.

Now, more than ever, before we must internalize the great revolutionary lesson of comrade Harry Gwala’s life, and live up to the challenge of developing a committed cadre-ship through political education, that will have a political consciousness of the history of the liberation ideology of the ANC, that will translate into revolutionary practice and empower and liberate our people.

Only when we reach the point where we are able to do this, will we ably to cut open the boils of hypocrisy, and clean out the puss of selective morality.

There will be no easy way - it will have to be a hard and relentless struggle against all betrayers, and to regain the ideological, revolutionary, heart of the ANC. Only when we can achieve that objective will we be able to redress the terrible crime of the 1913 Land Act, and achieve the ultimate objective for which the ANC was formed 108 years ago, namely the return of the land, and thus the full economic empowerment of the masses of black - especially African - people.

Until that is achieved our struggle must, and will, continue.

Aluta continua!

*Carl Niehaus is a member of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of MKMVA, as well as National Spokesperson of MKMVA. He is also a former ANC NEC member, and an ANC veteran. He delivered this lecture in his personal capacity.